Tag Archives: elaborazione

Victorian Hairwork: Interview with Courtney Lane

Part of the pleasure of collecting curiosities lies in discovering the reactions they cause in various people: seeing the wonder arise on the face of onlookers always moves me, and gives meaning to the collection itself. Among the objects that, at least in my experience, evoke the strongest emotional response there are without doubt mourning-related accessories, and in particular those extraordinary XIX Century decorative works made by braiding a deceased person’s hair.

Be it a small brooch containing a simple lock of hair, a framed picture or a larger wreath, there is something powerful and touching in these hairworks, and the feeling they convey is surprisingly universal. You could say that anyone, regardless of their culture, experience or provenance, is “equipped” to recognize the archetypical value of hair: to use them in embroidery, jewelry and decoration is therefore an eminently magical act.

I decided to discuss this peculiar tradition with an expert, who was so kind as to answer my questions.
Courtney Lane is a real authority on the subject, not just its history but also its practical side: she studied the original techniques with the intent of bringing them back to life, as she is convinced that this ancient craft could accomplish its function of preserving memory still today.

Can you tell us a bit about yourself?

I am a Victorian hair artist, historian, and self-proclaimed professional weirdo based in Kansas City. My business is called Never Forgotten where, as an artist, I create modern works of Victorian style sentimental hairwork for clients on a custom basis as well as making my own pieces using braids and locks of antique human hair that I find in places such as estate sales at old homes. As an academic, I study the history of hairwork and educate others through lectures as well as online video, and I also travel to teach workshops on how to do hairwork techniques.

Hairwork by Courtney Lane.

Where does your interest for Victorian hairwork come from?

I’ve always had a deep love for history and finding beauty in places that many consider to be dark or macabre. At the young age of 5, I fell in love with the beauty of 18th and 19th century mausoleums in the cemeteries near the French Quarter of New Orleans. Even as a child, I adored the grand gesture of these elaborate tombs for memorializing the dead. This lead me to developing a particular fondness for the Victorian era and the funerary customs of the time.
Somewhere along the line in studying Victorian mourning, I encountered the idea of hairwork. A romantic at heart, I’d already known of the romantic value a lock of hair from your loved one could hold, so I very naturally accepted that it would also be a perfect relic to keep of a deceased loved one. I found the artwork to be stunning and the sentiment to be of even greater beauty. I wondered why it was that we no longer practiced hairwork widely, and I needed to know why.
I studied for years trying to find the answers and eventually I learned how to do the artwork myself. I thoroughly believed that the power of sentimental hairwork could help society reclaim a healthier relationship with death and mourning, and so I decided to begin my business to create modern works, educate the public on the often misunderstood history of the artform, and ensure that this sentimental tradition is “Never Forgotten”.

How did hairwork become a popular mourning practice historically? Was the hair collected before or post mortem? Was it always related to grieving?

Hairwork has taken on a variety of purposes, most of which have been inherently sentimental, but it has not always been related to grieving. With the death of her husband, Queen Victoria fell into a deep mourning which lasted the remaining 40 years of her life. This, in turn, created a certain fashionability, and almost a fetishism, of mourning in the Victorian era. Most people today believe all hairwork had the purpose of elaborating a loss, but between the 1500s and early 1900s, hairwork included romantic keepsakes from a loved one or family mementos, and sometimes served as memorabilia from an important time in one’s life. As an example, many of the large three-dimensional wreaths you can still see actually served as a form of family history. Hair was often collected from several (often living) members of the family and woven together to create a genealogy. I’ve seen other examples of hairwork simply commemorating a major life event such as a first communion or a wedding. Long before hairwork became an art form, humans had already been exchanging locks of hair; so it’s only natural that there were instances of couples wearing jewelry that contained the hair of their living lovers.

As far as mourning hairwork is concerned, the hair was sometimes collected post mortem, and sometimes the hair was saved from an earlier time in their life. As hair was such an important part of culture, it was often saved when it was cut whether or not there was an immediate plan for making art or jewelry with it.
The idea of using hair as a mourning practice largely stems from Catholicism in the Middle Ages and the power of saintly relics in the church. The relic of a saint is more than just the physical remains of their body, rather it provides a spiritual connection to the holy person, creating a link between life and death. This belief that a relic can be a substitute for the person easily transitioned from public, religious mourning to private, personal mourning.
Of the types of relics (bone, flesh, etc), hair is by far the most accessible to the average person, as it does not need any sort of preservation to avoid decomposition, much as the rest of the body does; collecting from the body is as simple as using a pair of scissors. Hair is also one of the most identifiable parts of person, so even though pieces of bone might just be as much of a relic, hair is part of your loved one that you see everyday in life, and can continue to recognize after death.

Was hairwork strictly a high-class practice?

Hairwork was not strictly high-class. Although hairwork was kept by some members of upper class, it was predominantly a middle-class practice. Some hairwork was done by professional hairworkers, and of course, anyone commissioning them would need the means to do so; but a lot of hairwork was done in the home usually by the women of the family. With this being the case, the only expenses would be the crafting tools (which many middle-class women would already likely have around the home), and the jewelry findings, frames, or domes to place the finished hairwork in.

How many people worked at a single wreath, and for how long? Was it a feminine occupation, like embroidery?

Hairwork was usually, but not exclusively done by women and was even considered a subgenre of ladies’ fancy work. Fancy work consisted of embroidery, beadwork, featherwork, and more. There are even instances of women using hair to embroider and sew. It was thought to be a very feminine trait to be able to patiently and meticulously craft something beautiful.
As far as wreaths are concerned, it varied in the number of people who would work together to create one. Only a few are well documented enough to know for sure.
I’ve also observed dozens of different techniques used to craft flowers in wreaths and some techniques are more time consuming than others. One of the best examples I’ve seen is an incredibly well documented piece that indicates that the whole wreath consists of 1000 flowers (larger than the average wreath) and was constructed entirely by one woman over the span of a year. The documentation also specifies that the 1000 flowers were made with the hair of 264 people.

  

Why did it fall out of fashion during the XX Century?

Hairwork started to decline in popularity in the early 1900’s. There were several reasons.
The first reason was the growth of hairwork as an industry. Several large companies and catalogues started advertising custom hairwork, and many people feared that sending out for the hairwork rather than making it in the home would take away from the sentiment. Among these companies was Sears, Roebuck and Company, and in one of their catalogues in 1908, they even warned, “We do not do this braiding ourselves. We send it out; therefore we cannot guarantee same hair being used that is sent to us; you must assume all risk.” This, of course, deterred people from using professional hairworkers.
Another reason lies with the development and acceptance of germ theory in the Victorian era. The more people learned about germs and the more sanitary products were being sold, the more people began to view the human body and all its parts as a filthy thing. Along with this came the thought that hair, too, was unclean and people began to second guess using it as a medium for art and jewelry.
World War I also had a lot to do with the decline of hairwork. Not only was there a general depletion in resources for involved countries, but more and more women began to work outside of the home and no longer had the time to create fancy work daily. During war time when everybody was coming together to help the war effort, citizens began to turn away from frivolous expenses and focus only on necessities. Hair at this time was seen for the practical purposes it could serve. For example, in Germany there were propaganda posters encouraging women to cut their long hair and donate it to the war effort when other fibrous materials became scarce. The hair that women donated was used to make practical items such as transmission belts.
With all of these reasons working together, sentimental hairwork was almost completely out of practice by the year 1925; no major companies continued to create or repair hairwork, and making hairwork at home was no longer a regular part of daily life for women.

19th century hairworks have become trendy collectors items; this is due in part to a fascination with Victorian mourning practices, but it also seems to me that these pieces hold a special value, as opposed to other items like regular brooches or jewelry, because of – well, the presence of human hair. Do you think we might still be attaching some kind of “magical”, symbolic power to hair? Or is it just an expression of morbid curiosity for human remains, albeit in a mild and not-so-shocking form?

I absolutely believe that all of these are true. Especially amongst people less familiar with these practices, there is a real shock value to seeing something made out of hair. When I first introduce the concept of hairwork to people, some find the idea to be disgusting, but most are just fascinated that the hair does not decompose. People today are so out of touch with death, that they immediately equate hair as a part of the body and don’t understand how it can still be perfectly pristine over a hundred years later. For those who don’t often ponder their own mortality, thinking about the fact that hair can physically live on long after they’ve died can be a completely staggering realization.
Once the initial surprise and morbid curiosity have faded, many people recognize a special value in the hair itself. Amongst serious collectors of hair, there seems to be a touching sense of fulfillment in the opportunity to preserve the memory of somebody who once was loved enough to be memorialized this way – even if they remain nameless today. Some may say it is a spiritual calling, but I would say at the very least it is a shared sense of mortal empathy.

What kind of research did you have to do in order to learn the basics of Victorian hairworks? After all, this could be described as a kind of “folk art”, which was meant for a specific, often personal purpose; so were there any books at the time holding detailed instructions on how to do it? Or did you have to study original hairworks to understand how it was done?

Learning hairwork was a journey for me. First, I should say that there are several different types of hairwork and some techniques are better documented than others. Wire work is the type of hairwork you see in wreaths and other three-dimensional flowers. I was not able to find any good resources on how to do these techniques, so in order to learn, I began by studying countless wreaths. I took every opportunity I could to study wreaths that were out of their frame or damaged so I could try to put them back together and see how everything connected. I spent hours staring at old pieces and playing with practice hair through trial and error.
Other techniques are palette work and table work. Palette work includes flat pictures of hair which you may see in a frame or under glass in jewelry, and table work includes the elaborate braids that make up a jewelry chain such as a necklace or a watch fob.
The Lock of Hair by Alexanna Speight and Art of Hair Work: Hair Braiding and Jewelry of Sentiment by Mark Campbell teach palette work and table work, respectively. Unfortunately, being so old, these books use archaic English and also reference tools and materials that are no longer made or not as easy to come by. Even after reading these books, it takes quite a bit of time to find modern equivalents and practice with a few substitutions to find the best alternative. For these reasons, I would love to write an instructional book explaining all three of these core techniques in an easy to understand way using modern materials, so hairwork as a craft can be more accessible to a wider audience.

Why do you think this technique could be still relevant today?

The act and tradition of saving hair is still present in our society. Parents often save a lock of their child’s first haircut, but unfortunately that lock of hair will stay hidden away in an envelope or a book and rarely seen again. I’ve also gained several clients just from meeting someone who has never heard of hairwork, but they still felt compelled cut a lock of hair from their deceased loved one to keep. Their eyes consistently light up when they learn that they can wear it in jewelry or display it in artwork. Time and again, these people ask me if it’s weird that they saved this hair. Often, they don’t even know why they did. It’s a compulsion that many of us feel, but we don’t talk about it or celebrate it in our modern culture, so they think they’re strange or morbid even though it’s an incredibly natural thing to do.
Another example is saving your own hair when it’s cut. Especially in instances of cutting hair that’s been grown very long or hair that has been locked, I very often encounter people who have felt so much of a personal investment in their own hair that they don’t feel right throwing it out. These individuals may keep their hair in a bag for years, not knowing what to do with it, only knowing that it felt right to keep. This makes perfect sense to me, because hair throughout history has always been a very personal thing. Even today, people identify each other by hair whether it be length, texture, color, or style. Different cultures may wear their hair in a certain way to convey something about their heritage, or individuals will use their own creativity or sense of self to decide how to wear their hair. Whether it be for religion, culture, romance, or mourning, the desire to attach sentimental value to hair and the impulse to keep the hair of your loved one are inherently human.
I truly believe that being able to proudly display our hair relics can help us process some of our most intimate emotions and live our best lives.

You can visit Courtney Lane’s website Never Forgotten, and follow her on Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and YouTube. If you’re interested in the symbolic and magical value of human hair, here is my post on the subject.

Ghost Marriages

China, Shanxi province, on the nothern part of the Republic.
At the beginningof 2016, the Hongtong County police chief gave the warning: during the three previous years, at least a dozen thefts of corpses were recorded each year. All the exhumed and smuggled bodies were of young women, and the trend is incresing so fast that many families now prefer to bury their female relatives near their homes, rather than in secluded areas. Others resort to concrete graves, install surveillance cameras, hire security guards or plant gratings around the burial site, just like in body snatchers England. It looks like in some parts of the province, the body of a young dead girl is never safe enough.
What’s behind this unsettling trend?

These episodes of body theft are connected to a very ancient tradition which was thought to be long abandoned: the custom of “netherworld marriages”.
The death of a young unmarried male is considered bad lack for the entire family: the boy’s soul cannot find rest, without a mate.
For this reasons his relatives, in the effort of finding a spouse for the deceased man, turn to matchmakers who can put them in contact with other families having recently suffered the lost of a daughter. A marriage is therefore arranged for the two dead young persons, following a specific ritual, until they are finally buried together, much to the relief of both families.
This kind of marriages seem to date back to the Qin dinasty (221-206 a.C.) even if the main sources attest a more widespread existence of the practice starting from the Han dinasty (206 a.C.-220 d.C.).

The problem is that as the traffic becomes more and more profitable, some of these matchmakers have no qualms about exhuming the precious corpses in secret: to sell the bodies, they sometimes pretend to be relatives of the dead girl, but in other cases they simply find grieving families who are ready to pay in order to find a bride for their departed loved one, and willing to turn a blind eye on the cadaver’s provenance.

Until some years ago, “ghost marriages” were performed by using symbolic bamboo figurines, dressed in traditional clothes; today weath is increasing, and as much as 100,000 yan (around $15,000) can be spent on the fresh body of a young girl. Even older human remains, put back together with wire, can be worth up to $800. The village elders, after all, are the ones who warn new generations: to cast away bad luck nothing beats an authentic corpse.
Although the practice has been outlawed in 2006, the business is so lucrative that the number of arrests keep increasing, and at least two cases of murder have been reported in the news where the victim was killed in order to sell her body.

If at first glance this tradition may seem macabre or senseless, let us consider its possible motivations.
In the province where these episodes are more frequent, a large number of young men work in coal mines, where fatal accidents are sadly common. The majority of these boys are the sole children of their parents, because of the Chinese one-child policy, effective until 2013.
So, apart from reasons dictated by superstition, there is also an important psychological element: imagine the relief if, in the process of elaborating grief, you could still do something to make your dearly departed happy. Here’s how a “ghost wedding” acts as a compensation for the loss of a loved boy, who maybe died while working to support his family.

Marriages between two deceased persons, or between a living person and a dead one, are not even unique to China, for that matter. In France posthumous marriages (which usually take place when a woman prematurely loses her fiancé) are regularly requested to the President of the Republic, who has the power of issuing the authorization. The purpose is to acknowledge children who were conceived before the premature death, but there may also been purely emotional motivations. In fact there’s a relatively long list of countries that allowed for marriages in which one or both the newlywed were no longer alive.

In closing, here is a little curiosity.
In the well-known Tim Burton film Corpse Bride (2005), inspired by a centuries-old folk tale (the short story Die Todtenbraut by F. A. Schulze, found within the Fantasmagoriana anthology, is a Romantic take on that tale), the main character puts a ring on a small branch, unaware that this light-hearted move is actually sanctioning his netherworld engagement.
Quite similar to that harmless-looking twig is a “trick” used in Taiwan when a young girl dies unmarried: her relatives leave out on the streets a small red package containing Hell money, a lock of hair or some nails from the dead woman. The first man to pick up the package has to marry the deceased girl, if he wants to avoid misfortune. He will be allowed to marry again, but he shall forever revere the “ghost” bride as his first, real spouse.

These rituals become necessary when an individual enters the afterlife prematurely, without undergoing a fundamental rite of passage like marriage (therefore without completing the “correct” course of his life). As is often the case with funeral customs, the practice has a beneficial and apotropaic function both for the social group of the living and for the deceased himself.
On one hand all the bad luck that could harm the relatives of the dead is turned away; a bond is formed between two different families, which could not have existed without a proper marriage; and, at the same time, everybody can rest assured that the soul will leave this world at peace, and will not depart for the last voyage bearing the mark of an unfortunate loneliness.

Death and Broken Cups

This article originally appeared on The Order of the Good Death. I have already written, here and here, about the death positive movement, to which this post is meant as a small contribution.

___________

“As soon as the grave is filled in, acorns should be planted over it, so that new trees will grow out of it later, and the wood will be as thick as it was before. All traces of my grave shall vanish from the face of the earth, as I flatter myself that my memory will vanish from the minds of men”.

This passage from the will of the Marquis de Sade has always struck a chord with me. Of course, he penned it as his last raging, disdainful grimace at mankind, but the very same thought can also be peaceful.
I have always been sensitive to the poetic, somewhat romantic fantasy of the taoist or buddhist monk retiring on his pretty little mountain, alone, to get ready for death. In my younger days, I thought dying meant leaving the world behind, and that it carried no responsibility. In fact, it was supposed to finally free me of all responsibility. My death belonged only to me.
An intimate, sacred, wondrous experience I would try my best to face with curiosity.
Impermanence? Vanishing “from the minds of men”? Who cares. If my ego is transient like everything else, that’s actually no big deal. Let me go, people, once and for all.
In my mind, the important thing was focusing on my own death. To train. To prepare.

“I want my death to be delicate, quiet, discreet”, I would write in my diary.
“I’d prefer to walk away tiptoe, as not to disturb anyone. Without leaving any trace of my passage”.

Unfortunately, I am now well aware it won’t happen this way, and I shall be denied the sweet comfort of being swiftly forgotten.
I have spent most of my time domesticating death – inviting it into my home, making friends with it, understanding it – and now I find the only thing I truly fear about my own demise is the heartbreak it will inevitably cause. It’s the other side of loving and being loved: death will hurt, it will come at the cost of wounding and scarring the people I cherish the most.

Dying is never just a private thing, it’s about others.
And you can feel comfortable, ready, at peace, but to look for a “good” death means to help your loved ones prepare too. If only there was a simple way.

The thing is, we all endure many little deaths.
Places can die: we come back to the playground we used to run around as kids, and now it’s gone, swallowed up by a hideous gas station.
The melancholy of not being allowed to kiss for the first time once again.
We’ve ached for the death of our dreams, of our relationships, of our own youth, of the exciting time when every evening out with our best friends felt like a new adventure. All these things are gone forever.
And we have experienced even smaller deaths, like our favorite mug tumbling to the floor one day, and breaking into pieces.

It’s the same feeling every time, as if something was irremediably lost. We look at the fragments of the broken mug, and we know that even if we tried to glue them together, it wouldn’t be the same cup anymore. We can still see its image in our mind, remember what it was like, but know it will never be whole again.

I have sometimes come across the idea that when you lose someone, the pain can never go away; but if you learn to accept it you can still go on living. That’s not enough, though.
I think we need to embrace grief, rather than just accepting it, we need to make it valuable. It sounds weird, because pain is a new taboo, and we live in a world that keeps on telling us that suffering has no value. We’re always devising painkillers for any kind of aching. But sorrow is the other side of love, and it shapes us, defines us and makes us unique.

For centuries in Japan potters have been taking broken bowls and cups, just like our fallen mug, and mending them with lacquer and powdered gold, a technique called kintsugi. When the object is reassembled, the golden cracks – forming such a singular decoration, impossible to duplicate – become its real quality. Scars transform a common bowl into a treasure.

I would like my death to be delicate, quiet, discreet.
I would prefer to walk away tiptoe, as not to disturb anyone, and tell my dear ones: don’t be afraid.

You think the cup is broken, but sorrow is the other side of love, it proves that you have loved. And it is a golden lacquer which can be used to put the pieces together.
Here, look at this splinter: this is that winter night we spent playing the blues before the fireplace, snow outside the window and mulled wine in our glasses.
Take this other one: this is when I told you I’d decided to quit my job, and you said go ahead, I’m on your side.
This piece is when you were depressed, and I dragged you out and took you down to the beach to see the eclipse.
This piece is when I told you I was in love with you.

We all have a kintsugi heart.
Grief is affection, we can use it to keep the splinters together, and turn them into a jewel. Even more beautiful than before.
As Tom Waits put it, “all that you’ve loved, is all you own“.

Grief and sacrifice: abscence carved into flesh

Some of you probably know about sati (or suttee), the hindu self-immolation ritual according to which a widow was expected to climb on her husband’s funeral pire to be burned alive, along his body. Officially forbidden by the English in 1829, the practice declined over time – not without some opposition on behalf of traditionalists – until it almost entirely disappeared: if in the XIX Century around 600 sati took place every year, from 1943 to 1987 the registered cases were around 30, and only 4 in the new millennium.

The sacrifice of widows was not limited to India, in fact it appeared in several cultures. In his Histories, Herodotus wrote about a people living “above the Krestons”, in Thracia: within this community, the favorite among the widows of a great man was killed over his grave and buried with him, while the other wives considered it a disgrace to keep on living.

Among the Heruli in III Century a.D., it was common for widows to hang themselves over their husband’s burial ground; in the XVIII Century, on the other side of the ocean, when a Natchez chief died his wives (often accompanied by other volunteers) followed him by committing ritual suicide. At times, some mothers from the tribe would even sacrify their own newborn children, in an act of love so strong that women who performed it were treated with great honor and entered a higher social level. Similar funeral practices existed in other native peoples along the southern part of Mississippi River.

Also in the Pacific area, for instance in Fiji, there were traditions involving the strangling of the village chief’s widows. Usually the suffocation was carried out or supervised by the widow’s brother (see Fison’s Notes on Fijian Burial Customs, 1881).

The idea underlying these practices was that it was deemed unconcievable (or improper) for a woman to remain alive after her husband’s death. In more general terms, a leader’s death opened an unbridgeable void, so much so that the survivors’ social existence was erased.
If female self-immolation (and, less commonly, male self-immolation) can be found in various time periods and latitudes, the Dani tribe developed a one-of-a-kind funeral sacrifice.

The Dani people live mainly in Baliem Valley, the indonesian side of New Guinea‘s central highlands. They are now a well-known tribe, on the account of increased tourism in the area; the warriors dress with symbolic accessories – a feather headgear, fur bands, a sort of tie made of seashells specifying the rank of the man wearing it, a pig’s fangs fixed to the nostrils and the koteka, a penis sheath made from a dried-out gourd.
The women’s clothing is simpler, consisting in a skirt made from bark and grass, and a headgear made from multicolored bird feathers.

Among this people, according to tradition when a man died the women who were close or related to him (wife, mother, sister, etc.) used to amputate one or more parts of their fingers. Today this custom no longer exists, but the elder women in the tribe still carry the marks of the ritual.

Allow me now a brief digression.

In Dino Buzzati‘s wonderful tale The Humps in the Garden (published in 1968 in La boutique del mistero), the protagonist loves to take long, late-night walks in the park surrounding his home. One evening, while he’s promenading, he stumbles on a sort of hump in the ground, and the following day he asks his gardener about it:

«What did you do in the garden, on the lawn there is some kind of hump, yesterday evening I stumbled on it and this morning as soon as the sun came up I saw it. It is a narrow and oblong hump, it looks like a burial mound. Will you tell me what’s happening?». «It doesn’t look like it, sir» said Giacomo the gardener «it really is a burial mound. Because yesterday, sir, a friend of yours has died».
It was true. My dearest friend Sandro Bartoli, who was twenty-one-years-old, had died in the mountains with his skull smashed.
«Are you trying to tell me» I said to Giacomo «that my friend was buried here?»
«No» he replied «your friend, Mr. Bartoli […] was buried at the foot of that mountain, as you know. But here in the garden the lawn bulged all by itself, because this is your garden, sir, and everything that happens in your life, sir, will have its consequences right here.»

Years go by, and the narrator’s park slowly fills with new humps, as his loved ones die one by one. Some bulges are small, other enormous; the garden, once flat and regular, at this point is completely packed with mounds appearing with every new loss.

Because this problem of humps in the garden happens to everybody, and every one of us […] owns a garden where these painful phenomenons take place. It is an ancient story repeating itself since the beginning of centuries, it will repeat for you too. And this isn’t a literary joke, this is how things really are.

In the tale’s final part, we discover that the protagonist is not a fictional character at all, and that the sorrowful metaphore refers to the author himself:

Naturally I also wonder if in someone else’s garden will one day appear a hump that has to do with me, maybe a second or third-rate little hump, just a slight pleating in the lawn, not even noticeable in broad daylight, when the sun shines from up high. However, one person in the world, at least one, will stumble on it. Perhaps, on the account of my bad temper, I will die alone like a dog at the end of an old and deserted hallway. And yet one person that evening will stub his toe on the little hump in the garden, and will stumble on it the following night too, and each time that person will think with a shred of regret, forgive my hopefulness, of a certain fellow whose name was Dino Buzzati.

Now, if I may risk the analogy, the humps in Buzzati’s garden seem to be poetically akin to the Dani women’s missing fingers. The latter represent a touching and powerful image: each time a loved one leaves us, “we lose a bit of ourselves”, as is often said – but here the loss is not just emotional, the absence becomes concrete. On the account of this physical expression of grief, fingerless women undoubtedly have a hard time carrying out daily tasks; and further bereavements lead to the impossibility of using their hands. The oldest women, who have seen many loved ones die, need help and assistance from the community. Death becomes a wound which makes them disabled for life.

Of course, at least from a contemporary perspective, there is still a huge stumbling block: the metaphore would be perfect if such a tradition concerned also men, who instead were never expected to carry out such extreme sacrifices. It’s the female body which, more or less voluntarily, bears this visible evidence of pain.
But from a more universal perspective, it seems to me that these symbols hold the certainty that we all will leave a mark, a hump in someone else’s garden. The pride with which Dani women show their mutilated hands suggests that one person’s passage inevitably changes the reality around him, conditioning the community, even “sculpting” the flesh of his kindreds. The creation of meaning in displays of grief also lies in reciprocity – the very tradition that makes me weep for the dead today, will ensure that tomorrow others will lament my own departure.

Regardless of the historical variety of ways in which this concept was put forth, in this awareness of reciprocity human beings seem to have always found some comfort, because it eventually means that we can never be alone.

Animali liofilizzati

Ecco una domanda difficile per tutti i possessori di animali: quando il vostro cane o gatto morirà, cosa farete delle sue spoglie?

C’è chi decide di seppellire il proprio animale, chi opta per la cremazione – ma c’è anche chi non riesce mai ad uscire veramente dalla fase della negazione, e vorrebbe continuare ad avere il proprio cucciolo con sé, per sempre.

Fino a poco tempo fa l’unica altra soluzione possibile era la tassidermia: eppure gli imbalsamatori spesso non sono disposti a preparare gli animali da compagnia, e per un motivo evidente. Finché si tratta di preservare la testa di un cervo, il cliente non fa mai problemi, ma quando l’animale da impagliare è un gattino amato e conosciuto per anni, qualsiasi imperfezione nel risultato tassidermico salta subito all’occhio del padrone. Così questo tipo di clienti risulta essere difficile, se non quasi impossibile, da soddisfare.

Oggi però esiste una nuova tecnica di conservazione degli animali da compagnia che promette miracoli. Guardate l’immagine qui sotto: questo cane è morto, ed è stato liofilizzato.

Quando pensiamo alla liofilizzazione, ci vengono in mente subito alcuni alimenti ridotti in polvere, come ad esempio il caffè solubile. Il procedimento in realtà può essere applicato anche a qualsiasi sostanza organica, e consiste nell’essiccamento dei tessuti a temperature estremamente basse, alle quali vengono alternate fasi di riscaldamento in situazioni di pressione controllata, di modo che l’acqua contenuta nei tessuti passi direttamente dallo stato ghiacciato al vapore (sublimazione). In questo modo la struttura della sostanza viene intaccata il meno possibile e mantiene le proprie caratteristiche specifiche: ecco perché la liofilizzazione di un animale da compagnia dà questi risultati eccezionali.

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Chiaramente i costi di un simile procedimento non sono indifferenti, e in America oscillano tra 850 e 2.500 dollari; inoltre la liofilizzazione di un animale, magari di grossa taglia, non è affatto un processo veloce, e tra liste d’attesa e tempi tecnici si può aspettare anche più di un anno prima che l’esemplare ritorni al suo padrone.

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Cant bear bury dear departed Tiddles Eternally the freeze dried pets loving pet owners bear bury cremated 2

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I responsabili delle ditte che offrono questo servizio descrivono una clientela meno eccentrica di quello che si potrebbe immaginare: chi si rivolge a loro è gente normale, che non sopporta l’idea della separazione definitiva, e che cerca nella preservazione dell’animale un aiuto per superare il dolore. Per alcuni di essi, l’animale era l’unica compagnia di una vita solitaria. Desiderano avere ancora una presenza fisica concreta, con cui relazionarsi e illudersi di interagire.

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Abbiamo parlato spesso dell’occultamento della morte operato nel tempo dalle società occidentali; il progressivo allontanarsi dell’esperienza del cadavere dalle nostre vite ha reso sempre più complicata l’elaborazione del lutto, e questo si riflette anche sulla morte degli animali da compagnia, dato che l’amore che portiamo verso di loro talvolta rende la separazione altrettanto traumatica che se si trattasse di una persona cara.

Così, se l’immagine di qualcuno che coccola un animale morto ci dovesse apparire patetica o peggio ancora ridicola, gli psicologi ricordano che gli esseri umani proiettano abitualmente attributi umani ad oggetti inanimati; e per quanto riguarda la morte, ovviamente, tutti noi abbiamo reso visita ad una tomba, e magari rivolto parole intime al defunto, come se potesse sentirci… come se fosse ancora vivo. E viene da domandarsi se questo “come se”, il desiderio e la capacità umana di rifiutare la realtà così com’è per costruirne una simbolica, non sia forse alla base di tutte le nostre grandezze, e di tutte le nostre miserie.

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Scherzi della memoria

Il modo in cui il nostro cervello registra e rielabora i ricordi è ancora in gran parte sconosciuto alla scienza. Vi sono però alcuni casi estremi che potrebbero aiutare gli studiosi a comprendere i confini della nostra memoria: come ricordiamo, e come dimentichiamo.

La sindrome di Susac è stata scoperta negli anni ’70 dall’omonimo medico; si tratta di un disordine cerebrale che colpisce le donne fra i 18 e i 40 anni, e presenta molti segni clinici distintivi – ma fra tutti il più peculiare è la perdita della memoria a lungo termine. Chi è affetto da questa sindrome ricorda quasi esclusivamente ciò che gli è accaduto nelle 24 ore precedenti. Immaginate cosa significhi avere dimenticato dove eravate e cosa avete fatto la settimana scorsa, tre mesi fa, tre anni fa; risvegliarvi ogni mattina non sapendo se siete laureati, o fidanzati, o addirittura sposati… se è Natale, se vostra nonna è viva o morta, e via dicendo. Come dare un senso alla vostra persona, alla vostra identità?

È quello che accade a circa 250 persone in tutto il mondo. La sindrome arriva all’improvvio e in genere si manifesta con attacchi ricorrenti che durano più o meno da quindici mesi a 5 anni. Come si presenta se ne va, senza preavviso. Non sono segnalati casi mortali, ma su un terzo dei pazienti restano postumi sensoriali e neurologici di gravità variabile.

Jess Lydon, 19 anni, inglese, soffre della sindrome da qualche tempo. Rinchiusa in un infinito presente, non può ricordarsi nemmeno se ha già mangiato. Non osa avventurarsi fuori di casa, per paura di dimenticare la strada del ritorno; ma continua a pettinarsi e curarsi, perché «quando questo disastro sarà passato voglio che la vita mi trovi in ordine». La sindrome provoca anche stati confusionali e Jess è di tanto in tanto preda di terrori e convinzioni paranoiche e irreali – crede che dei chirurghi l’abbiano operata, lasciando una scarpa nel suo stomaco, o che la sua casa sia in realtà un ospedale psichiatrico. I neurologi non conoscono ancora le cause della sindrome, né sanno esattamente come curarla: si procede a tentoni, cercando di arginare le crisi, ma nessun farmaco si è rivelato efficace fino ad ora. Si sa soltanto che Jess guarirà prima o poi, anche se la perdita di udito e di vista potrebbe rimanere permanente.

Ancora più strana è l’opposta malattia di cui soffre l’americana Jill Price: come il Funes del celebre racconto di Borges, Jill non riesce a dimenticare. Ricorda esattamente quasi tutti i giorni della sua vita, da quando aveva 11 anni. È in grado di dire in che giorno e a che ora un determinato episodio di Dallas è andato in onda 20 anni fa, e anche cosa stava facendo lei in quel momento, se pioveva, se era un lunedì o un martedì, com’era vestito suo fratello, e via dicendo.

Quello che potrebbe sembrare un dono invidiabile, com’è facilmente intuibile, risulta essere nella realtà una vera e propria disgrazia. È la nostra capacità di dimenticare che ci permette di superare i problemi e metabolizzare il passato. Jill non può fare né l’una né l’altra cosa: ricorda esattamente tutte le volte in cui la madre l’ha rimproverata quando aveva 15 anni, sente ancora le precise parole così come sono state pronunciate, e ovviamente non può fare a meno di ripassare nella sua testa tutti i momenti drammatici della sua vita, primo fra tutti la morte dell’unico amore della sua vita, vittima di un infarto due anni fa. Il tormento di non riuscire a disfarsi del passato e voltare pagina è ciò che l’ha spinta a sottoporsi a innumerevoli esami e a divenire un caso clinico celebre, nella speranza di poter trovare una cura e finalmente archiviare le sue memorie senza doverle rivivere costantemente.

La sua sindrome si chiama ipertimesia, e la particolarità di questa affezione è che concerne principalmente la memoria autobiografica; questo significa che, paradossalmente, Jill ha difficoltà a memorizzare qualcosa volontariamente – l’enorme flusso di ricordi relativi alla sua vita e alle sue esperienze le impedisce di dare buoni risultati nei test di memoria. La sindrome ha alcuni punti di contatto con l’autismo e la sindrome dei savant, per quanto riguarda la calendarizzazione ossessiva che permette di ricordarsi data e ora di ogni evento; ma le scansioni cerebrali di Jill hanno mostrato anche una maggiore estensione dell’area normalmente associata con il comportamento maniaco-compulsivo, come se la sindrome potesse essere una sorta di ossessione non rivolta ad oggetti concreti, ma ai ricordi stessi, “collezionati” in maniera incontrollabile.

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Tutti impariamo dal passato, e facciamo le nostre previsioni sulla base delle esperienze precedenti; la capacità di ricordare, e di dimenticare, forgia gran parte delle nostre azioni, e in definitiva sta alla base di chi siamo o pensiamo di essere. Eppure la nostra memoria è forse un equilibrio più delicato e misterioso di quello che sembrerebbe, una selezione e rielaborazione continua con cui la nostra mente “decide” a quali avvenimenti far spazio e quali accantonare, cosa è degno di essere ricordato e cosa possiamo, o dobbiamo, lasciare andare.

E anche cosa tutti noi possiamo immaginare di aver vissuto, “ricordando” eventi mai accaduti… ma questa è un’altra storia, ancora più affascinante, di cui parleremo certamente in futuro.

Le doppie esequie

Facendo riferimento al nostro articolo sulla meditazione orientale asubha, un lettore di Bizzarro Bazar ci ha segnalato un luogo particolarmente interessante: il cosiddetto cimitero delle Monache a Napoli, nella cripta del Castello Aragonese ad Ischia. In questo ipogeo fin dal 1575 le suore dell’ordine delle Clarisse deponevano le consorelle defunte su alcuni appositi sedili ricavati nella pietra, e dotati di un vaso. I cadaveri venivano quindi fatti “scolare” su questi seggioloni, e gli umori della decomposizione raccolti nel vaso sottostante. Lo scopo di questi sedili-scolatoi (chiamati anche cantarelle in area campana) era proprio quello di liberare ed essiccare le ossa tramite il deflusso dei liquidi cadaverici e talvolta raggiungere una parziale mummificazione, prima che i resti venissero effettivamente sepolti o conservati in un ossario; ma durante il disgustoso e macabro processo le monache spesso si recavano in meditazione e in preghiera proprio in quella cripta, per esperire da vicino in modo inequivocabile la caducità della carne e la vanità dell’esistenza terrena. Nonostante si trattasse comunque di un’epoca in cui il contatto con la morte era molto più quotidiano ed ordinario di quanto non lo sia oggi, ciò non toglie che essere rinchiuse in un sotterraneo ad “ammirare” la decadenza e i liquami mefitici della putrefazione per ore non dev’essere stato facile per le coraggiose monache.

Questa pratica della scolatura, per quanto possa sembrare strana, era diffusa un tempo in tutto il Mezzogiorno, e si ricollega alla peculiare tradizione della doppia sepoltura.
L’elaborazione del lutto, si sa, è uno dei momenti più codificati e importanti del vivere sociale. Noi tutti sappiamo cosa significhi perdere una persona cara, a livello personale, ma spesso dimentichiamo che le esequie sono un fatto eminentemente sociale, prima che individuale: si tratta di quello che in antropologia viene definito “rito di passaggio”, così come le nascite, le iniziazioni (che fanno uscire il ragazzo dall’infanzia per essere accettato nella comunità degli adulti) e i matrimoni. La morte è intesa come una rottura nello status sociale – un passaggio da una categoria ad un’altra. È l’assegnazione dell’ultima denominazione, il nostro cartellino identificativo finale, il “fu”.

Tra il momento della morte e quello della sepoltura c’è un periodo in cui il defunto è ancora in uno stato di passaggio; il funerale deve sancire la sua uscita dal mondo dei vivi e la sua nuova appartenenza a quello dei morti, nel quale potrà essere ricordato, pregato, e così via. Ma finché il morto resta in bilico fra i due mondi, è visto come pericoloso.

Così, per tracciare in maniera definitiva questo limite, nel Sud Italia e più specificamente a Napoli era in uso fino a pochi decenni fa la cosiddetta doppia sepoltura: il cadavere veniva seppellito per un periodo di tempo (da sei mesi a ben più di un anno) e in seguito riesumato.
“Dopo la riesumazione, la bara viene aperta dagli addetti e si controlla che le ossa siano completamente disseccate. In questo caso lo scheletro viene deposto su un tavolo apposito e i parenti, se vogliono, danno una mano a liberarlo dai brandelli di abiti e da eventuali residui della putrefazione; viene lavato prima con acqua e sapone e poi “disinfettato” con stracci imbevuti di alcool che i parenti, “per essere sicuri che la pulizia venga fatta accuratamente”, hanno pensato a procurare assieme alla naftalina con cui si cosparge il cadavere e al lenzuolo che verrà periodicamente cambiato e che fa da involucro al corpo del morto nella sua nuova condizione. Quando lo scheletro è pulito lo si può più facilmente trattare come un oggetto sacro e può quindi essere avviato alla sua nuova casa – che in genere si trova in un luogo lontano da quello della prima sepoltura – con un rito di passaggio che in scala ridotta […] riproduce quello del corteo funebre che accompagnò il morto alla tomba” (Robert Hertz, Contributo alla rappresentazione collettiva della morte, 1907).

Le doppie esequie servivano a sancire definitivamente il passaggio all’aldilà, e a porre fine al periodo di lutto. Con la seconda sepoltura il morto smetteva di restare in una pericolosa posizione liminale, era morto veramente, il suo passaggio era completo.

Scrive Francesco Pezzini: “la riesumazione dei resti e la loro definitiva collocazione sono in stretta relazione metaforica con il cammino dell’anima: la realtà fisica del cadavere è specchio significante della natura immateriale dell’anima; per questo motivo la salma deve presentarsi completamente scheletrizzata, asciutta, ripulita dalle parte molli. Quando la metamorfosi cadaverica, con il potere contaminante della morte significato dalle carni in disfacimento, si sarà risolta nella completa liberazione delle ossa, simbolo di purezza e durata, allora l’anima potrà dirsi definitivamente approdata nell’aldilà: solo allora l’impurità del cadavere prenderà la forma del ‹‹caro estinto›› e un morto pericoloso e contaminante i vivi si sarà trasformato in un’anima pacificata da pregare in altarini domestici . Viceversa, di defunti che riesumati presentassero ancora ampie porzioni di tessuti molli o ossa giudicate non sufficientemente nette, di questi si dovrà rimandare il rito di aggregazione al regno dei morti e presumere che si tratti di ‹‹male morti››, anime che ancora vagano inquiete su questo mondo e per la cui liberazione si può sperare reiterando il lavoro rituale che ne accompagni il transito. La riesumazione-ricognizione delle ossa è la fase conclusiva del lungo periodo di transizione del defunto: i suoi esiti non sono scontati e l’atmosfera è carica di ‹‹significati angoscianti››; ora si decide – in relazione allo stato in cui si presentano i suoi resti – se il morto è divenuto un’anima vicina a Dio, nella cui intercessione sarà possibile sperare e che accanto ai santi troverà spazio nell’universo sacro popolare”.

Gli scolatoi (non soltanto in forma di sedili, ma anche orizzontali o molto spesso verticali) sono inoltre collegati ad un’altra antica tradizione del meridione, ossia quella delle terresante. Situate comunemente sotto alcune chiese e talvolta negli stessi ipogei dove si trovavano gli scolatoi, erano delle vasche o delle stanze senza pavimentazione in cui venivano seppelliti i cadaveri, ricoperti di pochi centimetri di terra lasciata smossa. Era d’uso, fino al ‘700, officiare anche particolari messe nei luoghi che ospitavano le terresante, e non di rado i fedeli passavano le mani sulla terra in segno di contatto con il defunto.
Anche in questo caso le ossa venivano recuperate dopo un certo periodo di tempo: se una qualche mummificazione aveva avuto luogo, e le parti molli erano tutte o in parte incorrotte, le spoglie erano ritenute in un certo senso sacre o miracolose. Le terresante, nonostante si trovassero nei sotterranei all’interno delle chiese, erano comunemente gestite dalle confraternite laiche.

La cosa curiosa è che la doppia sepoltura non è appannaggio esclusivo del Sud Italia, ma si ritrova diffusa (con qualche ovvia variazione) ai quattro angoli del pianeta: in gran parte del Sud Est asiatico, nell’antico Messico (come dimostrano recenti ritrovamenti) e soprattutto in Oceania, dove è praticata tutt’oggi. Le modalità sono pressoché le medesime delle doppie esequie campane – sono i parenti stretti che hanno il compito di ripulire le ossa del caro estinto, e la seconda sepoltura avviene in luogo differente da quello della prima, proprio per marcare il carattere definitivo di questa inumazione.

Se volete approfondire ecco un eccellente studio di Francesco Pezzini sulle doppie esequie e la scolatura nell’Italia meridionale; un altro studio di A. Fornaciari, V. Giuffra e F. Pezzini si concentra più in particolare sui processi di tanametamorfosi e mummificazione in Sicilia. Buona parte delle fotografie contenute in questo articolo provengono da quest’ultima pubblicazione.

(Grazie, Massimiliano!)